Przegląd Geograficzny (2023) vol. 95, iss. 4
Spatial inequalities and the geography of discontent. Examples of voting preferences in problem areas of Poland
Przegląd Geograficzny (2023) vol. 95, iss. 4, pp. 421-446 | 
Full text
doi: https://doi.org/10.7163/PrzG.2023.4.4
Abstract
Inequalities and disparities across space are the result of an unequal distribution of resources and income in and between specific areas. It is primarily on the quality and abundance of internal resources and the level of economic use made of them that regional and local development depends. Resources constitute the competitive advantage regions enjoy and are largely responsible for determining their specialisation and economic functions. It is widely assumed that the activation of a region’s internal potential has a positive effect on the living conditions of its residents and allows for the most-effective use of resources in support of regional development. Such an assumption is guided by the theoretical concepts of territorial capital (Camagni, 2008), endogenous capabilities (Scott and Storper, 2003) or local conditions and local networking (Fujita et al., 1999).
The root cause of spatial inequality appears to lie in natural resources (even if this the more-general geographical location, or the more-specific presence of raw materials, or environmental conditions). These are deemed to have shaped settlement, migration flows, the development of infrastructure in regions, and their economic specialisation.
The result of the outworking of all these processes and phenomena is for areas of differentiated socio-economic development to have developed. As an example, the countries of the European Union suffer from pronounced socioeconomic disparities between regions (Petrakos et al., 2005; Psycharis et al., 2020), even as it is worth noting that, while inequalities between countries are decreasing gradually, inter-regional disparities within countries are actually increasing (Perrons, 2012; Kemenyi Storper, 2020). Very pronounced manifestations concern urban versus rural areas, as it is particularly in agglomeration areas that the labour market, public infrastructure, the services and manufacturing sectors are all concentrated, with the result being a shaping of decidedly-higher wages and levels of wellbeing defined broadly, as compared with rural areas.
Associated with the disparities is the concept of the area (or region) lagging behind, and thus being deemed problematic, depressed, peripheral, handicapped, etc. The connotations of these terms are such as to denote territories characterised by certain phenomena and processes that are negative, and indeed more negative than in other areas. Given that consistent negativity, this study has treated the different concepts as if they were synonyms, given that what counts is that the territories in question represent negative values on the axis of spatial inequality.
In recent years, increasing scientific attention has been focused on the social and political consequences of spatial inequalities, which have gained repeat description in the context of a threat being posed to social cohesion and potentially entailing political breakdown, even as injustice and marginalisation are present. Social discontent is then reflected in the rise of populist and contesting parties that target the establishment.
And so to the core purpose of the work described here, which has sought to determine the consequences of spatial inequality (disparities) as manifested in the political sphere. To that end, this paper begins with a characterisation of the way in which research approaches to problem areas and social discontent have evolved. That then leads into the analysis of voter preferences founded upon comparison of two constituencies (Electoral Districts) located in problem areas of both NW and SE Poland, by reference to the results for the Polish Sejm (Lower House) recorded at the last four elections (of 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023). The results in these case studies were contrasted with nationwide political preferences, as well as results in a District considered one of Poland’s most-developed socioeconomically. A common thesis in the literature as to the populist preferences of problem-area residents gained tentative acceptance. The study was carried out within the framework of a research project entitled “Social and political consequences of spatial inequality: a case study of Central and Eastern Europe”, which has involved scientific teams from Poland, the Czech Republic and Germany.
The results from the case studies (focusing on the Electoral Districts of Koszalin (in NW Poland) and Chełm (SE)) were contrasted with nationwide political orientations and results from one of the most-elite (and thus implicitly least-populist) localities in Poland, i.e. Poznań. The comparisons made were able to confirm the thesis regarding the more-populist voting preferences of problem-area residents. However, on the Polish political scene, populism cannot necessarily be said to represent a specific ideology on the left-right axis, rather showing a potential to attract voters whose preferences have developed either in local conservative or more-progressive milieus. More ideologically expressive parties, on both the right and the left, obtained comparable and higher results in problem areas than nationwide in both types of community. On the other hand, mainstream parties aware of the potential behind populist factions, are adjusting their electoral programmes to compete for the votes of the “discontented” communities in “left-behind” areas.
Keywords: spatial inequalities, geography of discontent, voting preferences, problem areas, populism
[jbanski@twarda.pan.pl], Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania im. S. Leszczyckiego PAN; Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego, Instytut Geografii i Nauk o Środowisku
[mar.kow@twarda.pan.pl], Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania im. S. Leszczyckiego PAN
[konopski@twarda.pan.pl], Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania im. S. Leszczyckiego PAN
Citation
APA: Bański, J., Kowalski, M., & Konopski, M. (2023). Nierówności przestrzenne a geografia niezadowolenia. Przykład preferencji wyborczych na obszarach problemowych w Polsce. Przegląd Geograficzny, 95(4), 421-446. https://doi.org/10.7163/PrzG.2023.4.4
MLA: Bański, Jerzy, et al. "Nierówności przestrzenne a geografia niezadowolenia. Przykład preferencji wyborczych na obszarach problemowych w Polsce". Przegląd Geograficzny, vol. 95, no. 4, 2023, pp. 421-446. https://doi.org/10.7163/PrzG.2023.4.4
Chicago: Bański, Jerzy, Kowalski, Mariusz and Konopski, Michał. "Nierówności przestrzenne a geografia niezadowolenia. Przykład preferencji wyborczych na obszarach problemowych w Polsce". Przegląd Geograficzny 95, no. 4 (2023): 421-446. https://doi.org/10.7163/PrzG.2023.4.4
Harvard: Bański, J., Kowalski, M., & Konopski, M. 2023. "Nierówności przestrzenne a geografia niezadowolenia. Przykład preferencji wyborczych na obszarach problemowych w Polsce". Przegląd Geograficzny, vol. 95, no. 4, pp. 421-446. https://doi.org/10.7163/PrzG.2023.4.4